ANTI-SEMITISM ,ORIENTALISM AND ZIONISM : The East Side Stories Introduction One of the many fallouts from the current horrific conflict in Palestine/Israel is the way sections of the Left have advanced an apologetics for the atrocities committed by Hamas, while ignoring or downplaying the reactionary character of its political culture and simultaneously highlighting the colonialist roots of the Zionist project and the genocidal impact of Israel’s policies towards the displaced Palestinian populations of Gaza and the West bank. One of the more bizarre aspects of this double standard, has been a debate on the Anti-Racist Left about whether or not Jews are ‘white’ . Can they legitimately be regarded as an ethnic minority ? If the answer in both cases is no then the argument goes, they cannot be said to suffer from racial or ethnic discrimination , and indeed they belong within a hegemonic bloc which has long oppressed people of colour and continues to do so. This argument comes from a section of the Left that has historically regarded the Jewish community with the greatest suspicion , on account of their involvement with entrepreneurial and financial activities and notwithstanding the role which Jewish intellectuals and workers have played in . The short essay that follows was originally written in 1995 ,and came out of an antiracist education and research project which I carried out in the Isle of Dogs while I was director of the New Ethnicities Centre at the University of East London. This work tool place at a time when the Bangladeshi community ,which had replaced the Jewish community in Whitechapel and surrounding areas , had come under vicious attack from the same sections of the Far Right which had marched with Mosely in the 1930’s and been stopped at the battle of Cable Street. This shared history gave me pause for thought concerning the local roots of both Antisemitism and Islamophobia. Given the currently polarized views towards the Palestinian and Jewish Questions on the left , I thought it might be a useful to give the essay another airing. I have reproduced the original text without revision but added a section looking at the development of orientalist perspectives with Zionism itself. It was first published as ‘The Other East’ in Demos 8 1995 . The same old East End Story? In comparing and contrasting the public discourses of anti-semitism and orientalism and their associated image repertoires , we need to be aware of the full range of variations in the multiple voices and registers through which they have been expressed. One aspect of this which is often neglected is the local principles of their articulation. We need to know more about the local contexts of timing and placing by which Jews are orientalised, and/or Arabs figured in what antisemitism has made out of the Jew. This is not just a question of how racialised images are attached conjuncturally and opportunistically to certain discourses of the body politic and who does or doesn’t belong within it ; it is about how these representations coalesce, principally through networks of rumour ,gossip and moral panic to fashion cultural geographies of exclusion that are operative at the level of the neighbourhood, the school, and access to local amenity . The specific urban or rural location of Jewish and Arab communities , and whether or not they directly interface within the same has a direct bearing on how they are depicted in the maps that are drawn of nations, cities, neighbourhoods, schools, and all the institutions of civil society. It is not just populations that are orientalised or semitised, but the areas where they live. By the bias of specific habits and habitats that come to be associated with certain racial or ethnic attributes , we talk about a Jewish quarter, or an Arab quarter, a black area or a white area, as if there was a direct relation between the critical mass of representations- and the demographic profile of the inhabitants. But of course there rarely is. One effect of this kind of ethnocartography is to create a fictive concord between peoples and places - so we talk about a Jewish quarter even though their may well be a larger number of non Jews living there. For example Finchley is widely regarded as a 'Jewish area' but the majority of the population is in fact not Jewish , and it contains many other ethnic minorities , some of whom of course are Muslims . The mass media , both locally and nationally also play a big part in this urban imagineering of race giving particular areas reputations for being ethnic ghettoes or racial front lines ,in a way that air brushes out of the picture anyone or anything that suggests otherwise. The second preliminary point concerns the relation between internal and external colonialism. For a long time in the UK it did not seem possible to integrate the analysis of the local history of antisemitism into a discussion about Orientalism - because Orientalism was clearly part of colonial racism and hence a dominant instance - whereas antisemitism was not and was therefor seen as a subordinate form - the other racism if you like. But with the development of the analysis of internal colonialism a different perspective opened up. Initially the study of internal colonialism was confined to the historical study of what was called the British empire in Europe - the forms of ethnic hegemony exercise by the English over the Welsh, Scots and especially the Irish in creating that locally imperial anglophonic archipelago known as the British Isles or sometimes the United Kingdom. But more recently we have come to see that this process of internal English colonialism also involves Europe’s internal others - Gypsies, Slavs, and above all Jews. The Jewish presence in Britain as the presence of the European Other in a double sense - that is the presence of Europe and European ideas - especially political ideas that threaten the insularities of the English as an island race and of Britain as an island home - and also the Other who comes from the east - Eastern Europe of course but also - and this is the link with Orientalism and external colonialism - from the eastern Mediterranean . ORIENTALISM'S OTHER SCENES Now I want to bring these two points together to consider why and how the Jewish immigrants to the East end of London in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods were portrayed as Orientals . The growth of antisemitism during this is well documented but it largely focuses on the creation of popular physico-moral stereotypes – the hooked nose, grasping hands, and bent back signifying duplicity and greed to be found in cartoons a and postcards , as well as the narrativization of these features in popular fiction. There were also , of course the practical measures of exclusion and discrimination to which the inhabitants of the Whitechapel ‘shtetl’ were subjected, not least by the labour movement. However .the fact that there is no direct material link between this history of popular antisemitism and the colonial imagination of East London as a ‘dark continent ‘ where the subjects of Empire might just possibly strike back, means that the symbolic associations have been largely ignored (1). I first became aware these symbolic links in the 1980’s and 90’s when I was carrying out ethnographic research into playground cultures in East London. This was a period in which the Jewish population been largely replaced by new immigrants from Bangladesh , and by an influx of Vietnamese Chinese refugees, as well as by people from an African or Afro-Caribbean background . Our research also coincided with the release of the Indiana Jones series of films which powerfully renewed Orientalist themes prevalent in the popular culture of Imperialism in Edwardian times. We discovered that that traditional constructions of the Orient as a mysterious (female) and despotic (male) continent continued to provide the mise en scene for many fantasy games (2). Especially around the time of the Western intervention against Saddam Hussein, children drew heavily on such themes to re-stage scenarios of the Gulf war in terms of a more local geopolitics of 'race'. White English and Afro-caribbean children teamed up to go on 'peace keeping missions' in which they pushed Bangladeshis, Vietnamese/Chinese and other Asian children into 'sin bins'. But that was not always the end of the story; in one playground we studied the 'Indiana Jones' figure was actually played by a Moroccan Jewish boy who rallied his forces and came to rescue chased the ;’guards’ away and rescue the hostages from the sin bin. There was clearly more going on here than a simple reproduction of a culture of imperialism There was perhaps another history of Orientalism at work , one bound up with a more local and internal presence than the instances analyzed by Edward Said in his classic study (3). In fact ,the occidentalist project, the opposition between a Civilised/Christian West and Barbarian/Sybaritic l East has been as much played out within the cultural geography of Europe itself, as in the colonial context. From the middle ages on, it has been mobilised to define and marginalise Europe's internal Others - Jews, Gypsies and Slavs(4). Whatever their actual origins, or location these groups were frequently invested with an 'oriental' character in the discourses which defined the historical mission of 'the West' at the leading edge/ guardian of Reason, Enlightenment and scientific progress. During the Cold War the Communist East inherited the mantle of Europe's Other Within , and with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Ossies found themselves placed alongside Turkish guest workers in a position of generic inferiority vis a vis the Wessies as the standard bearers of advanced capitalism. The notion of the West as a citadel of Culture and Modernity, threatened with invasion from a dangerous and degenerate East had also been a well rehearsed theme in the history of London . From the early Victorian period the development of the metropolis was a tale of two cities which was also two nations- of inherited wealth and congenital poverty (5). As the same time the contrast between West End and East End took on another set of meanings to do with Race and Empire. The Victorian urban explorers frequently used racial imagery to define the 'natives' of the east end as primitives, or barbarians; with the settlement of colonies of Chinese, Malays, and Africans in docklands areas , and then the advent of Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe, the non-christian, non occidental character of the area became a topic of increasing public concern (6). Just as the West End was sharpening its image as the glittering cosmopolitan hub of worldwide Empire, so it was felt to be increasingly menaced by the East End as a kind of Internal Orient, a mysterious continent whose dense localisms formed the heart of That Other England,. The first cartographer of this internal orient was Thomas De Quincey. In The Confessions of an English Opium Eater he discusses his experiences with the 'oriental drug ' and his explorations as an East End flaneur in almost identical terms. His dreams are crowded with turbulent processions of Chinese and Malays, in street bazaars where he is forever lost and wandering in search of forbidden pleasures, pursued by the monstrous fauna and flora of the Ganges and the Nile. Then he describes himself walking in an East End: 'surrounded on all sides with a sea of myriad shapes in which everything fluctuates as I seek to find an individual human face 'within the indistinguishable mass of this surplus population so reminiscent of the swarming continent of Asia.' De Quincey also observes in the language and gestures of these East Enders 'the subtle signs of subversion, the Jacobin influence'. He is both fascinated by the promiscuity of the urban crowd and fears its powers of social contagion and combination, and he locates both in an imaginary geography where the East represent what he calls the barbaresque - the negation of everything that the West stands for. A hundred years later Kipling followed in De Quincey's footsteps in making the connection between the external and internal orient. In The Great Amulet his Sikh prince is made to submit to Western education with 'all the deceptive compliance of the oriental', but only in order to stab his benefactors in the back. The heroine of the story is described as 'the epitome of the heart of India , aloof , illogical,long suffering, Esensual, to a degree unimaginable to the Western mind'.A few years later Kipling wrote a another story, this time about a coster girl from Bethnal Green , in which he describes her character and culture in almost identical terms. In doing so he was conforming his story to a genre of writing about the East End in which the population is characterised as belonging to a race apart from the rest of society, one whose habits and habitats had first to be explored, and then civilised, after the manner of India, or Africa. A key feature of this discourse was the image of the turbulence associated with the multiracial diversity of the East End and the need to submit it to some kind of urban industrial discipline. Charles Booth in his famous study of East London Life and Labour saw the issue in Darwinian terms : " a clash of contest, man against man, and men against fate, the absorbing interest of a battlefield a rush of human life as fascinating to watch as the current of a river. And looked at this way , what a draw it is. Whitechapel is a tom tiddlers ground, the eldorado of the east , a gathering together of poor fortune seekers, its streets are full of buying and selling, the poor living on the poor." This melodrama might however be staged in more benign fashion as a harmless pageant celebrating multicultural difference. "There one sees all nationalities. A grinning hottentot elbows his way through a crowd of long legged Jewesses. An Algerian merchant walks arm in arm with a native of Calctta. A little Italian plays pitch and toss with a small Russian. A polish Jew enjoys sauerkraut with a German gentile. And amongst the foreigners lounges the East End loafer, monarch of all he surveys, lord of the premises." This relaxed scene is however made entirely dependent on the presence of the native East Ender who is shown imagining himself as a cross between a local colonial administrator and urban squire providing a framework of supervision within which his different subjects can happily co-exist. But what happens when this imperial figure is removed ? Olive Malvery, an Anglo Indian observer of the area , and a devout believer in the superiority of the English way of life has this to say in her book Soul Market: There are some localities in London which are almost entirely foreign; indeed some places are so alien in their characteristics that one might fancy oneself in another country on entering them.Today the Brick Lane end of Wentworth street Whitechapel is one of the most unEnglish spots in the British Isles. Whichever way one turns one sees nothing but foreign figures and hears nothing but foreign tongues.Here stands a bearded Jew with the face and figure of a raphael cartoon;there is a woman selling lemons; her shawl enwraps the face of a Botticelli Madonna. Thick lipped Fagins and grey haired philosophers, pretty faces and hooked nose ugliness; nowhere perhaps in the whole of england can one see so varied or picturesque a crowd." As long as these figures can be Europeanised in some way they remain merely picturesque, but hooked noses and thick lips are clearly the sign of difference which cannot be assimilated. And where now is the figure in the landscape who is the uncrowned monarch of all he or she surveys? She leaves the reader in little doubt: Every house in the street is a shop and in every shop there is a Jew. The walls of the houses are covered with Hebraic or Yiddish placards. The original inhabitants have all been crowded out . .. there is little difficulty in recognising the influence that immigrants from these places ( in Europe) have had on the submerged population of our great cities. Here is yet one more example of the cruel and wicked fashion of crushing out everything that is british and encouraging everything that is foreign. As John Barrell shows in his important study (7),De Quincey's fear of being "contaminated" by physical or social contact with what he calls the barbaresque was also an important theme in his antisemitism. In one notorious passage he writes of: "men's natural abhorrence of the Jewish taint, as once in Jerusalem they had hated the leprosy and cholera (oriental diseases), because even while they raved against it the secret proofs of it could be detected amongst their own kindred". In the portrayal of the East End as a centre of foreign immigration and cultural diversity, Antisemitism and Orientalism increasingly converged in constructing an alien threat which is both global in scope and intensely local in effect .In the process Jews are increasingly confused with 'Orientals'. For example one of the witnesses from a local community settlement cross-examined during the police enquiry into the Jack the Ripper murders described living conditions in the Jewish quarters in the following terms: "There is something of the Oriental bazaar about the Jewish market, the swarms of unkempt children running hither and thither on countless errands, the women haggling with each other, shouting to make themselves heard over the general hubbub, the men scurrying in and out of dark alleyways, the whole effect is one of labyrinthine confusion which can scarcely fail to make a fearful impression on the casual visitor." In the sober deliberations from the House of Commons Select Committee on Housing in 1901 we find the following exchange: Lord Robert Cecil: What do you say about the inhabitants ? Lord Lupton: Most of the inhabitants are Jews and their abits are said to be clean so far as their persons go, but certainly the courts outside their houses are.... Lord Robert Cecil: Eastern in character? Lord Lupton : Yes that is so exactly. The Jews referred to were of course Ashkenazis from the shtetls of Eastern Europe, not Sephardis from North Africa or the Middle East, but this conflation is entirely characteristic of both popular and official perceptions of the period. At the same time moral panics around drugs and sexuality which became focused on the Chinese community of Limehouse included many features borrowed from antisemitism. As Marek Kohn has shown(8) the theme of a criminal underworld organised by a secret oriental conspiracy, which was popularised by Sax Rohmer in his Fu Manchu novels, owed much of its logic to the Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Another point of convergence was the white slave trade. If Opium was a medium of seduction of white women by 'men of colour' , their induction into oriental perversity was supposed to lead inexorably to their final falling into the hands of Jewish pimps who shipped them out to the brothels of Latin America or the middle east At the same time the derogatory epithet of ‘street arab’ was applied indiscriminately to children of the ‘criminal and perishing classes, .In this strange cultural geography , regions that were elsewhere referred to as being in The Middle East, or the Far East , were collapsed into the Generic Oriental, and those who lived there , whatever their actual location or ethnicities, Jews and Muslim , Arabs, Chinese , Japanese and Indians , all found themselves inhabiting the same country of the European mind(9) For example in the image repertoires of Edwardian postcards – and lets remember these were the texting platforms of everyday communication in this period- both the Asian and Jewish communities are portrayed in very similar terms , as being ‘two faced’ ; the outward appearance of respectability and even prosperity being only a cloak for hidden cruelty or corruption undermining both family and nation . Jewish money allied to Oriental vice was imagined as a hidden artery linking the East end of London with the West end, directly injecting moral infection into the civilized heart of metropolis and Empire. So although the culture of imperialism and its legacy did not direct implicate those Jewish immigrants and refugees fleeing pogroms in Russia and Eastern Europe , it was through the devious relays I have described that their fate was to become entangled in it. This close articulation of Orientalism and Antisemitism was an important element in the formation of the East End’s popular culture of racism, and, equally its complicated forms of internal resistance . I was reminded of this latter aspect by a story told me by a Jewish woman who used to live in Whitechapel. She remembered that when Mosely’s Blackshirts tried to march down Brick Lane in 1936, her neighbours ,who has previously made their life a misery with their racist banter, were to be found on the roof of their house ripping slates off and chucking them down on the Fascist marchers, while yelling ‘They may be Yids but they’re our fucking Yids! In this way they managed to simultaneously damage Jewish property and assert a quasi colonial sense of proprietorial protection over their Jewish neighbours while at the same time defending their ‘manor’ from invasion by an alien force. It is not the case that the Bangladeshi community today have simply 'stepped into Jewish shoes'; there is a whole chain of complex local associations which predates their arrival and informs the local working class response to their presence. But equally I have argued that prehistory cannot be understood in terms of the transmission of a simple ,direct and ,unitary 'imperial legacy. It is the product of a much more complex provenance, one which has certainly complicated Jewish diasporic identity and continues to inform its fractured community politics. One feature of this has been the generational and geographic shift of East End’s Jewish population to outer London’s leafier boroughs like Redbridge , Finchley and Barnet. Over the past half century This suburbanization has been accompanied by increasing affluence and a corresponding shift in political allegiances from widespread support for Labour and Left wing causes, to the Tories and their vision of a property owning democracy. So the question is does this process of embourgeoisement represent a ‘whitening’ of Jewish identity, either in the sense of self identifying as white , or tacitly internalizing the values of WASP culture? Given the complicated multi- ethnic composition of Jewish diasporic communities , and the diversity of strategies , from isolationism to assimilation , they have adopted vis a vis their host societies, all that can be reliably said is that in most circumstances they have not been regarded as nearly white enough , while in a few contexts they have been regarded as far too white by other minority ethnic groups , especially by those people of colour whose afro-centrism contains a strong element of antii-semitism. Meanwhile on the Left it is the ultra -orthodox Hasidim, that most separatist of Judaic sects , who have come to be regarded as the unacceptable ‘white’ face of Jewishness , whether on account of their business practices or their support for Zionism. Whiteness itself continues to be a moveable, contradictory and contested construct but as we will see where it really becomes salient is not in the UK, but in the field of race relations inside Israel itself. Zionism and Orientalism There is little evidence for the direct impact which the experience being mistaken for Arabs had on attitudes of Ashkenazim towards their Sephardi brethren . In London there was an already well established Sephardi community ilong before the arrival of the new immigrants from Russia and Eastern Europe in the 1880;s. Initially the newcomers were welcomed by their co-religionists , although relations seem to have soured subsequently, perhaps because of the association of East End jews with radical Left wing politics, including Anarchism. With the growth in influence of Zionism the relationship between the two communities took a more dangerous turn. Zionism ,as an ideology of emancipation , had a secular, even socialist wing , but its dominant tendency was rooted in a state and nation building project centred on a fundamentalist interpretation of the Jews’ divine right of return to the promised land of Israel. This was essentially an Ashkenazi mission and from the very beginning a double standard was applied to its notion of citizenship. Sephardim might be required to populate the country , but the would- be founders of the new state regarded them as poor relations , uneducated and essentially lacking in the ‘civilized values’, which European Jews had supposedly acquired. For the Ashkenazi Ultra-Zionists ,the fact the Sephardic communities in Iraq, Turkey, Lebanon ,Libya and Morrocco had successfully co-existed with their Muslim hosts societies for many generations was not taken as a possible model for how the Jewish settlers might relate to the Palestinian inhabitants . On the contrary these ‘Arab Jews’ were considered to have been contaminated by ‘Oriental values’ and to be locked into forms of sensuality which quite unfitted them for the most important nation building tasks. Zionism, in other words, developed its own internal form of orientalism, which it applied not just to Palestinians but to Sephardic Jews. Just as the Ashkenazim had been treated as Europe’s internal Other, (and Orientalized as part of the process, as we have seen) so they in turn set about constructing the Jewish diaspora that had settled in North Africa or in Muslim countries of the Middle East as belonging to an alien quasi- Oriental culture. A new social category was created : The Mizrahim , to demarcate their status as inferior, second class citizens. The first Israeli Prime Minister, David Ben -Gurion ,was one of the architects of a notorious reception policy that saw these ‘Arab jews’ having their heads shaven and their bodies sprayed with DDT before being herded into tented encampment to be screened . Welcome to the Promised land! Perhaps, after all, this was a good preparation for the humiliations they would subsequently experiences in Israel’s new civil society. It could be argued that the true founding moment of Israel as a Jewish State, a moment which the Zionist movement has not ceased to celebrate as glorious , and the Palestinians to mourn as a catastrophe , this historic turning point installed a new set of racial distinctions between Arabs and Jews which European antisemitism had dissolved into a generic Orientalism. As a result of this convoluted dialectics the Israeli cultural elite, made up largely of Ashkenazim, sat back and watched (despite some dissenting voices in the Left/Liberal intelligentsia ) as ‘Mizrahis’ were confirmed in their inferior status in both economy and polity. The latter , however , instead of expressing solidarity with Palestinians drew the line under their own feet and increasingly supported the hard liners on the far Right of Israeli politics , especially Likud , in a policy of unremitting hostility to any possible two nation settlement of the Palestinian question. They may be poor and subject to all kinds of open and subtle discrimination by the Ashkenazim , but at least they were to be recognised as Jews not Arabs, a backbone of the nation, and no longer a race apart. In this way a group which could have acted as a bridge between the Askenazim and the Palestinians became a principal agent of polarization between them. Skinocracy and theocracy thus came to be institutionally and culturally linked in both the Israeli State and civil society . It is in this context and conjuncture that the Ashkenazim elite could be said to have ‘whitened’ themselves, in both affirming the superiority of their European heritage and internalizing a set of racial tropes -Orientalism- that was an integral part of it. This in turn has enabled sections of the anti-semitic and anti-racist Left to join forces to retrofit a model of analysis which makes Jews no longer victims of racism , but one of its chief perpetrators. Postscript Meanwhile back in the East End of London neither ethnic absolutism nor multi-culturalism are as dominant as they have been , especially among the youth. Evidence. The hyper-diversity which now characterises much of its demographic , coupled with accelerated gentrification and white flight ( the so called Cockney Diaspora to Essex ) means that there is now a richly distributed class and race mix epitomized linguistically in Estuary 2.0 with its shades of black street talk and Bangla cockney . This has created a potential space in which young people growing up in the area today can subvert both orientalist and antisemitic tropes as exemplified in my example of the playground re-make of ‘Indiana Jones ‘(9). These youth cultures have so far largely resisted political radicalization Sections of the Left continue to try to give an antisemitic twist to support for Palestinian rights, while the Far Right has opportunistically sought to exploit Islamophobic responses to the current conflict and now numbers itself among the ‘Friends of Israel’ and Netanyahu’s government . Against this background It is essential that we create a culture in which it is possible to challenge religious fundamentalisms of every kind as much when they support homophobic or misogynistic attitudes , as when they use violence in support of ethnic nationalisms. We just as much need a culture with zero tolerance of Islamophobic refrains about some kind of generic ‘oriental despotism’ whilst calling out the actions of regimes which refuse basic human rights to women and gay people. Equally we need to encourage legitimate criticism of Israeli state policies and make sure that this is not undermined by association with covert anti-semitism. No doubt this involves walking carefully through a mindfield, where one wrong step leads to the sudden death of the argument .But then this has always been the case and those who are best at thinking on their feet with both of them still planted firmly on the ground of no-one party’s making have usually been the ones who have survived to tell the best story. Endnotes 1) See for example the contributions to The Empire Strikes Back Hutcheson 1982.Also John Mackenzie and Michael Duane(eds) Imperialism and Popular Culture University of Manchester Press 1987 2) see ‘The Playgrounds of Prejudice’ School Field 8 1994 3) Edward Said Orientalism Routledge London 1980 and The Culture of Imperialism . See also T Gilbert Moore Kipling and Orientalism Routledge 2014 4) See Christian Delacampagne L'Inventiond du Racisme Grasset Paris 1987 5) See the chapters by P.J Keating and N.D Epstein in H.J Dyos Victorian Cities Routledge 1985. And also David Feldman and Gareth Stedman Jones (eds) Metropolis Routledge 1991 6) A good account of these moral panics can be found in Judith Walkovitz City of Dreadul Delight Virago 1994 7) John Barrell The Infections of De Quincey Yale 1992 8) Marek Kohn Dope Girls Methuen 2003 9) See for example the discussion in Bryan Turner Orientalism,PostModernism and Globalism . Further Reading : Some alternative Jewish voices Gilad Atzmon The Wandering Who? A study of Jewish Identity Politics Zero Books 2018 Anthony Clavane Does Your Rabbi Know You’re Here?: the story of English footbal’ls Forgotten Tribe riverrun 2013 Steve Cohen That’s Funny You Don’t Look Antisemitic Five Leaves 2003 Phil Cohen with Harvant Bains (eds) Multi-racist Britain Palgrave Macmillan 2002 Phil Cohen(ed) New Ethnicities, Old racisms Zed Books 2008 Nira Yuval Davis The Politics of Belonging Sage 2020 David Feldman ‘A retreat from Universalism: Defining Antisemitism and Islamophobia in Britain 1990-2018’ in Antisemitism and the politics of history eds Scott Urry and Guy Mowan Brandeis 2023 William Fishman Jewish East End Radicals Five Leaves 2003 Anne Karpf et al (eds) A Time to Speak Out: Independent Jewish Voice on Israel, Zionism and Jewish Identity Verso 2008 Adi Ophir et al Against the Wall :Israel’s Barrier to Peace New Press 2005 Amos Oz A Tale of Love and Darkness Vintage 2005 Leon Rosselson The precious strand of Jewishness that challenges authority PR Pamphlet 2016